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Mega forces: An investment opportunity
Mega forces are big, structural changes that affect investing now - and far in the future. This creates major opportunities - and risks - for investors.
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The global BlackRock Geopolitical Risk Indicator (BGRI) aims to capture overall market attention to geopolitical risks, as the line chart shows. The indicator is a simple average of our top-10 risks.
We see the geopolitical environment shaped by the conflict in Iran, which has affected almost every major country and region. Its impact on global energy markets, Western interests and geopolitical relationships across the Gulf and beyond underscores the conflict’s still-unfolding implications for the geopolitical risk landscape.
Sources: BlackRock Investment Institute. Views and data as of May 2026. Notes: The “risks” column lists the 10 key geopolitical risks that we track. The “description” column defines each risk. “Attention score” reflects the BlackRock Geopolitical Risk Indicator (BGRI) for each risk. The BGRI measures the degree of the market’s attention to each risk, as reflected in brokerage reports and financial media. See the "how it works" section on p.7 for details. The table is sorted by the “Likelihood” column which represents our fundamental assessment, based on BlackRock’s subject matter experts, of the probability that each risk will be realized – either low, medium or high – in the near term. The “our view” column represents BlackRock’s most recent view on developments related to each risk. This is not intended to be a forecast of future events or a guarantee of future results. This information should not be relied upon by the reader as research or investment advice regarding any funds or security in particular. Individual portfolio managers for BlackRock may have opinions and/or make investment decisions that may, in certain respects, not be consistent with the information contained herein.
We have developed a market movement score for each risk that measures the degree to which asset prices have moved similarly to our risk scenarios, integrating insights from our Risk & Quantitative Analysis (RQA) team and their Market-Driven Scenario (MDS) shocks. We do this by estimating how “similar” the current market environment is to our expectation of what it would look like in the event the particular MDS was realized, also taking into account the magnitude of market moves. The far right of the horizontal axis indicates that the similarity between asset movements and what our MDS assumed is greatest; the middle of the axis means asset prices have shown little relationship to the MDS, and the far left indicates markets have behaved in the opposite way that our MDS anticipated.
Risk map
BlackRock Geopolitical market attention, market movement and likelihood
How to gauge the potential market impact of each of our top-10 risks? We have identified three key “scenario variables” for each – or assets that we believe would be most sensitive to a realization of that risk. The chart below shows the direction of our assumed price impact.
| Risk | Asset | Direction of assumed price impact | |
|---|---|---|---|
| Middle East regional war | Brent crude oil | ||
| VIX | |||
| U.S. high yield credit | |||
| Energy security crisis | |||
| To come | To come | ||
| Global technology decoupling | Chinese yuan | ||
| Chinese semiconductors | |||
| U.S. semiconductors and electrical equipment | |||
| Major terror or cyber attack(s) | |||
| To come | To come | ||
| Western Hemisphere tensions | Mexican peso | ||
| Gold | |||
| South American government bonds | |||
| Global trade protectionism | U.S. specialty retail & distribution | ||
| U.S. consumer durables & apparel | |||
| U.S. two-year Treasury | |||
| U.S.-China strategic competition | Taiwanese dollar | ||
| Taiwanese equities | |||
| China high yield | |||
| Russia-NATO conflict | Russian equities | ||
| Russian ruble | |||
| Brent crude oil | |||
| Transatlantic reordering | European equities | ||
| Italian 10-year government bonds | |||
| Euro | |||
| North Korea conflict | Japanese yen | ||
| Korean won | |||
| Korean equities |
Source: BlackRock Investment Institute, with data from BlackRock’s Aladdin Portfolio Risk Tools application, May 2026. Notes: The table depicts the three assets that we see as key variables for each of our top-10 geopolitical risks – as well as the direction of the assumed shocks for each in the event of the risk materializing. The up arrow indicates a rise in prices (corresponding to a decline in yields for bonds); the down arrow indicates a fall in prices. Our analysis is based on similar historical events and current market conditions such as volatility and cross-asset correlations. See the “implied stress testing framework” section of the 2018 paper Market-Driven Scenarios: An Approach for Plausible Scenario Construction for details. For illustrative purposes only. The scenarios are for illustrative purposes only and do not reflect all possible outcomes as geopolitical risks are ever-evolving. This material represents an assessment of the market environment at a specific time and is not intended to be a forecast of future events or a guarantee of future results. This information should not be relied upon by the reader as research or investment advice regarding any funds, strategy or security in particular.
We detail the key geopolitical events over the next year in the table below.
| Date | Location | Event |
|---|---|---|
| January 2026 | ||
| Jan 19–23 | Switzerland | World Economic Forum Annual Meeting (Davos) |
| Jan 22–23 | Japan | BOJ Monetary Policy Meeting |
| Jan 27–28 | United States | FOMC Meeting |
| February 2026 | ||
| Feb (TBC) | Bangladesh | General elections |
| Feb 4–5 | Euro area | ECB Governing Council monetary policy meeting (Frankfurt) |
| Feb 5 | United Kingdom | BOE Monetary Policy Committee (MPC) meeting |
| Feb 13–15 | Germany | Munich Security Conference (Munich) |
| March 2026 | ||
| Mar 17–18 | United States | FOMC Meeting |
| Mar 18–19 | Euro area | ECB monetary policy meeting (Frankfurt) |
| Mar 18–19 | Japan | BOJ Monetary Policy Meeting |
| Mar 19 | United Kingdom | BOE MPC meeting |
| April 2026 | ||
| April 2026 | U.S.-China | Potential China visit by President Trump |
| Apr 12 | Peru | Presidential & Congressional General Election |
| Apr 13–18 | United States | IMF & World Bank Group Spring Meetings (Washington, DC) |
| Mid-April (TBC) | United States | G20 Finance Ministers & Central Bank Governors’ Meeting (on margins of Spring Meetings, dates TBC) |
| Apr 27–28 | Japan | BOJ Monetary Policy Meeting |
| Apr 28–29 | United States | FOMC Meeting |
| Apr 29–30 | Euro area | ECB monetary policy meeting (Frankfurt) |
| Apr 30 | United Kingdom | BOE MPC meeting |
| May 2026 | ||
| Late May / early June (TBC) | Singapore | Shangri-La Dialogue Asia Security Summit (dates TBC) |
| May / June (TBC) | France | OECD Ministerial Council Meeting (Paris, dates TBC) |
| May 31 | Colombia | Presidential Election |
| June 2026 | ||
| June / July TBC | U.S.-China | Potential U.S. trip by President Xi |
| Jun 10–11 | Euro area | ECB monetary policy meeting |
| Jun 14–16 | France | G7 Leaders’ Summit (Évian-les-Bains) |
| Jun 15–16 | Japan | BOJ Monetary Policy Meeting |
| Jun 16–17 | United States | FOMC Meeting |
| Jun 18 | United Kingdom | BOE MPC meeting |
| July 2026 | ||
| Jul 7–8 | Türkiye | NATO Leaders’ Summit (Ankara) |
| July (TBC) | India | 18th BRICS Leaders’ Summit (India chair; host city/dates TBC) |
| Jul 22–23 | Euro area | ECB monetary policy meeting |
| Jul 28–29 | United States | FOMC Meeting |
| Jul 30 | United Kingdom | BOE MPC meeting |
| Jul 30–31 | Japan | BOJ Monetary Policy Meeting |
| August 2026 | ||
| Early Aug (TBC) | G20 | Finance Ministers & Central Bank Governors’ Meeting (standalone FMCBG) |
| Late Aug (dates TBC) | United States | Jackson Hole Economic Policy Symposium (Jackson Hole, Wyoming) |
| September 2026 | ||
| Sep 8 | United States | Opening of 81st Session of the UN General Assembly (UNGA 81), New York |
| Sep 9–10 | Euro area | ECB monetary policy meeting (hosted by Deutsche Bundesbank) |
| Sep 15–16 | United States | FOMC Meeting |
| Sep 17 | United Kingdom | BOE MPC meeting |
| Sep 17–18 | Japan | BOJ Monetary Policy Meeting |
| Sep 22–29 (TBC) | United States | UNGA 81 High-Level Week / General Debate (New York) |
| October 2026 | ||
| Oct 4 | Brazil | First round of Brazilian general elections (presidential, congressional, gubernatorial) |
| Oct 12–18 | Thailand | IMF & World Bank Group Annual Meetings (Bangkok) |
| Mid-October (TBC) | Thailand | G20 Finance Ministers & Central Bank Governors’ Meeting (on margins of Annual Meetings, dates TBC) |
| Oct 25 | Brazil | Possible second-round presidential vote (if needed) |
| Oct 27–28 | United States | FOMC Meeting |
| Oct 28–29 | Euro area | ECB monetary policy meeting |
| November 2026 | ||
| Nov 3 | United States | U.S. midterm elections (Congressional and state-level races) |
| Nov 5 | United Kingdom | BOE MPC meeting |
| Nov 9–20 | Türkiye | UN Climate Change Conference (COP31), Antalya |
| November (TBC) | China | APEC Economic Leaders’ Meeting, Shenzhen |
| December 2026 | ||
| Dec 8–9 | United States | FOMC Meeting |
| Dec 14–15 | United States | G20 Leaders’ Summit (U.S. G20 presidency year), Doral, Florida |
| Dec 16–17 | Euro area | ECB monetary policy meeting |
| Dec 17 | United Kingdom | BOE MPC meeting |
| Dec 17–18 | Japan | BOJ Monetary Policy Meeting |
Source: BlackRock Investment Institute, May 2026.
The quantitative components of our geopolitical risk dashboard incorporate two different measures of risk: the first based on the market attention to risk events, the second on the market movement related to these events.
The BlackRock Geopolitical Risk Indicator (BGRI) tracks the relative frequency of brokerage reports (via Refinitiv) and financial news stories (Dow Jones News) associated with specific geopolitical risks. We adjust for whether the sentiment in the text of articles is positive or negative, and then assign a score. This score reflects the level of market attention to each risk versus a 5-year history. We assign a heavier weight to brokerage reports than other media sources since we want to measure the market's attention to any particular risk, not the public’s.
Our updated methodology improves upon traditional “text mining” approaches that search articles for predetermined key words associated with each risk. Instead, we take a big data approach based on machine-learning. Huge advances in computing power now make it possible to use language models based on neural networks. These help us sift through vast data sets to estimate the relevance of every sentence in an article to the geopolitical risks we measure.
How does it work? First we “train” the language model with broad geopolitical content and articles representative of each individual risk we track. The pre-trained language model then focuses on two tasks when trawling though millions of brokerage reports and financial news stories:
The attention and sentiment scores are aggregated to produce a composite geopolitical risk score. A zero score represents the average BGRI level over its history. A score of one means the BGRI level is one standard deviation above its historical average, implying above-average market attention to the risk. We weigh recent readings more heavily in calculating the average. The level of the BGRIs changes slowly over time even if market attention remains constant. This is to reflect the concept that a consistently high level of market attention eventually becomes “normal.”
Our language model helps provide more nuanced analysis of the relevance of a given article than traditional methods would allow. Example: Consider an analyst report with boilerplate language at the end listing a variety of different geopolitical risks. A simple keyword-based approach may suggest the article is more relevant than it really is; our new machine learning approach seeks to do a better job at adjusting for the context of the sentences – and determining their true relevance to the risk at hand.
In the market movement measure, we use Market-Driven Scenarios (MDS) associated with each geopolitical risk event as a baseline for how market prices would respond to the realization of the risk event.
Our MDS framework forms the basis for our scenarios and estimates of their potential one-month impact on global assets. The first step is a precise definition of our scenarios – and well-defined catalysts (or escalation triggers) for their occurrence. We then use an econometric framework to translate the various scenario outcomes into plausible shocks to a global set of market indexes and risk factors.
The size of the shocks is calibrated by various techniques, including analysis of historical periods that resemble the risk scenario. Recent historical parallels are assigned greater weight. Some of the scenarios we envision do not have precedents – and many have only imperfect ones. This is why we integrate the views of BlackRock’s experts in geopolitical risk, portfolio management, and Risk and Quantitative Analysis into our framework. See the 2018 paper Market Driven Scenarios: An Approach for Plausible Scenario Construction for details. MDS are for illustrative purposes only and do not reflect all possible outcomes as geopolitical risks are ever-evolving.
We then compile a market movement index for each risk.* This is composed of two parts:
These two measures are combined to create an index that works as follows:
*This material represents an assessment of the market environment at a specific time and is not intended to be a forecast of future events or a guarantee of future results. This information should not be relied upon by the reader as research or investment advice regarding any funds, strategy or security in particular. The scenarios are for illustrative purposes only and do not reflect all possible outcomes as geopolitical risks are ever-evolving.

The Iran conflict is now a global event that has been transmitted through Iran's strategy of horizontal escalation to impose costs on the Gulf Arab states and its decision to activate its asymmetric control over the Strait of Hormuz, one of the world’s most critical energy chokepoints. A fragile ceasefire between the U.S. and Iran is holding while a broader deal to end the conflict takes shape. Neither side seeks a return to full-scale fighting, though negotiations are proceeding slowly and unevenly. Even if the two sides reach a framework agreement to end the conflict and reopen the Strait, it will take some time to return to the status quo ante. A comprehensive deal – including the nuclear program – will remain difficult to achieve, while the risk of reescalation looms. As of late May, traffic through the Strait remains severely impaired. We do not expect Iran to easily relinquish its control over this strategic chokepoint. Duration will be key for assessing and pricing impact to the global economy. The conflict will drive a political, economic and structural reset for the Gulf countries, including substantial capital expenditure needs – as we explore in our new Global Insights piece. In Lebanon, a fragile ceasefire with Israel endures, despite violations, as both sides pursue talks regarding the disarmament of Hezbollah. In Gaza, U.S.-led discussions about long-term governance, security and reconstruction have slowed since last year’s ceasefire. Re-escalation risk remains high.
The conflict in Iran has exposed the global economy’s dependence on energy flows transiting the Strait of Hormuz and ushered in the most significant energy crisis since the 1970s – already displacing more than 1 billion barrels of crude and one-fifth of global LNG supply, inflating energy prices globally and creating a shortage of refined products, specifically jet fuel. Interrupted flows have been partially offset by alternative pipeline infrastructure in the Middle East, exports from non-Gulf producers – particularly the U.S. – and existing energy diversification strategies in Europe and China. But continued uncertainty around how long disruptions might last – and how quickly supply can be restored – have driven ongoing market volatility and prompted policy interventions by national governments. In March IEA member states agreed their largest-ever coordinated release of emergency oil reserves in a bid to stabilize global oil markets, surpassing the 2022 withdrawal ordered after Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine. Across Southeast Asia, leaders have announced a range of measure to address shortages and even proposed a regional oil-sharing framework. We expect the crisis, combined with ongoing fragmentation, to push countries to build more resilient economies focused on redundancy and diversification.
Mounting geopolitical competition is fueling a surge in cyber attacks that are growing in scope, scale and sophistication. Advances in generative and agentic AI now empower even unsophisticated threat actors, including criminals, to identify vulnerable targets, craft convincing scams and generate malicious code – at unprecedented speed and with increasing autonomy. Beyond phishing, AI is being used to generate adaptive malware, exploit identity credentials and probe AI systems themselves for weaknesses. Recent disclosures by leading AI developers that state‑linked actors have sought to replicate frontier models through illicit training on Western platforms underscore how AI systems themselves are becoming targets in geopolitical competition. State-backed hacking remains a significant and expanding risk, focused on political espionage, infecting critical infrastructure with malware and large-scale theft of intellectual property. Iran remains a capable state actor in this space. We are watching for accelerated Iranian cyber operations targeting the West in light of the U.S. and Israeli operation and expanded regional war.
U.S. and China accelerates in scale and scope
Artificial Intelligence (AI) is increasingly a national security and political issue. It is at the center of U.S.-China strategic competition, with both countries believing it will deliver economic and military advantage to the country leading the AI race. In the U.S., Anthropic’s Mythos tool has brought safety and security issues to the fore. New advanced AI models pose an unprecedented threat to cybersecurity. This may be an inflection point for U.S. government efforts to regulate frontier systems, as focus increases on protecting its own systems, protecting the national interest and preventing model theft, especially from adversarial state-backed actors. Before the U.S. midterm elections, we see AI shifting to the center of U.S. political discourse as debates around datacenters construction, labor disruption, high energy prices and privacy concerns accelerate. We do not see meaningful discussions around AI between the U.S. and China in the short-term. Globally, tech sovereignty concerns will also likely intensify, prompting questions about over-relying on any single country’s technology stack and driving more demand for increased data integrity and control. Iranian attacks on Gulf data centers highlight the vulnerability of these assets and their role as critical infrastructure.
The threat of terrorism remains elevated as conflict in the Middle East has raised the risk of state-backed or lone-actor threats to Western interests. In May, the U.S. Justice Department unsealed an indictment against an Iranian proxy commander who organized 20+ retaliatory attacks in the U.S., Europe and Canada since late February. Iran is a cyber-enabled adversary as well as the world’s chief state sponsor of terrorism. In the cyber space, the development of powerful new tools like Anthropic’s Claude Mythos Preview have demonstrated unprecedented offensive and defensive cyber capabilities. AI companies are now working with the private and public sector to deploy these models to identify and patch vulnerabilities faster than they can be deployed by adversaries. AI-enabled cyber attacks have already grown in scope, scale and sophistication. State-backed hacking remains a significant risk, focused on political espionage, infecting critical infrastructure with malware and large-scale IP theft.
The Western Hemisphere has become a centerpiece of U.S. foreign policy under the second Trump administration. Since taking office, the administration has designated Latin American gangs and cartels as terrorist organizations; expanded counter-narcotics operations in the Caribbean; driven greater alignment with the U.S. on trade; and shown a willingness to act more directly in Venezuela’s political and energy sectors. More recently, it has tightened the economic and oil blockade on Cuba and rolled out sweeping new sanctions aimed at intensifying pressure on its regime. Several reinforcing dynamics are driving this shift, including the convergence of immigration and counternarcotics priorities with domestic politics; growing resource nationalism; and a broader turn towards free markets across the hemisphere. We expect the U.S. to keep deploying a wide range of economic, diplomatic, law enforcement and military levers to put pressure on adversarial regimes.
Recent court rulings have hampered parts of the Trump administration’s tariff agenda. In February, the U.S. Supreme Court invalidated tariffs imposed under emergency powers, prompting a tariff refund process. We expect this process to unfold slowly and unevenly, contributing to more uncertainty for businesses and markets. In May, the Court of International Trade ruled that the time-bound, across-the-board 10% tariffs imposed under Section 122 authority are unlawful – a decision that has since been stayed pending appeal. Despite these setbacks, we see the administration relying on ongoing Section 232 and Section 301 investigations to impose additional, more durable tariffs. Disputes over previously agreed trade deals – like recent U.S. threats to raise EU auto tariffs – underscore our view that rolling negotiations, agreements and disputes represent the new normal in U.S. trade policy. Global trade flows are rewiring, not reversing. Even with growing protectionism, global trade exceeded a record $35 trillion last year. We are closely watching the scheduled review of the trilateral USMCA trade agreement that begins in July and think a more bilateral-focused set of arrangements is likely to emerge between the U.S., Mexico and Canada.
U.S.-China competition remains the structural backdrop to global geopolitics. From a U.S. perspective, China is the axis around which virtually every major geopolitical issue rotates – from defense to trade, technology, energy, security and beyond. Presidents Trump and Xi met in Beijing on May 14-15 in a highly anticipated summit that produced a limited set of commercial deals but no major breakthroughs. Both sides signaled a desire to preserve relationship stability while managing trade frictions and strategic chokepoints. The mechanism will be a series of other leader-level engagements this year, including a potential reciprocal visit by President Xi to the U.S. in September. The commercially based détente with China that President Trump is determined to maintain is holding, for now – but it is narrow, fragile and subject to disruption across a range of issues, particularly defense and security. In the military sphere, the U.S. remains committed to countering China in the Indo-Pacific. Taiwan is a particular focus for Beijing and a potential flashpoint. China continues to wield its full suite of military, economic and diplomatic tools to pressure the island. In April, President Xi met with the leader of Taiwan’s opposition KMT party for the first time in roughly a decade at the same time it conducted live-fire drills and naval deployments in the Taiwan Strait.
Amidst stalled U.S.-Ukraine-Russia diplomatic talks, Ukraine and Russia remain locked in a war of attrition. Ukraine has expanded the reach of its long-range strikes in recent months, hitting Russian energy export infrastructure and other sites as far as the Ural Mountains. These attacks have caused Russian energy companies to sharply cut oil production by the highest monthly levels in years. At the same time, Russian territorial gains have slowed after an unsuccessful spring offensive: in April, Russia suffered a net loss of territory for the first time since August 2024. Russia also scaled back its annual May Day Victory Parade to the smallest form in almost two decades and restricted mobile internet access in Moscow amid fears of Ukrainian drone attacks. Exhaustion is setting in, with Russia having been at war against Ukraine longer than the Soviet Union was at war against Nazi Germany. These dynamics could put pressure on Russia’s negotiation posture and increase the likelihood of reaching a ceasefire. Even still, a durable settlement will prove challenging to reach.
U.S.-Europe relations have undergone a complete reset since the start of the second Trump administration and are now under historic strain. In May, President Trump announced the U.S. would be pulling 5,000 U.S. troops out of Germany over the next 6-12 months and warned of additional withdrawals to come. He also threatened the EU with higher tariffs unless the EU formally approved and implemented the July 2025 U.S.-EU trade deal, which Brussels did in May. Recurring security and economic flashpoints are likely to accelerate ongoing trends towards diversification away from the U.S., seen in a slate of new free trade agreements, sweeping defense spending, fiscal reforms and diplomatic outreach to Beijing. Despite this, we still think Europe fully substituting its economic and security relationship with the U.S. is unlikely – in part because hedging towards China risks exposing domestic industries to Chinese industrial overcapacity and inviting a U.S. response. Politically, the UK is facing renewed instability that could see Prime Minister Keir Starmer forced out this year. In Hungary, Péter Magyar’s landslide victory over Prime Minister Victor Orbán is a blow to European far-right populist parties that could help mend EU-Hungary relations and unlock previously blocked EU funding for Hungary and Ukraine.
North Korea has taken a series of escalatory actions that heighten risks in and beyond the Indo-Pacific: deploying troops and munitions to support Russia’s war in Ukraine, accepting military technology assistance from Moscow and accelerating its nuclear weapons program. In April, North Korea carried out four missile tests – the highest monthly total in more than two years. Its nuclear arsenal is now estimated at roughly 50 warheads, which – combined with a growing stockpile of ICBMs – have the potential to reach and possibly overwhelm U.S. ground-based missile defenses. In May, North Korea revised its constitution to formally place its nuclear arsenal under the authority of Leader Kim Jong-un and remove unification of the Korean peninsula as a stated national goal – a move seen as locking in Seoul as a permanent adversary. President Trump has stated a desire to reengage Kim Jong-un through personal diplomacy, as he did in his first administration: in Feburary the White House clarified he remains open to dialogue “without any preconditions.” Compared with Trump’s first term, however, Pyongyang appears emboldened by its stronger ties with Moscow and Beijing, as well as its own military advances. It may therefore be less inclined to pursue better relations with the U.S.